Atlantis

Atlantis, the flood, the remnants of humanity scattered holding onto the pre-flood knowledge, technologies, stories,….Our recent reset of civilization from 12,000 YA,

Athanasius Kircher’s map of Atlantis
Athanasius Kircher’s map of Atlantis

Edgar Cayce said that Atlantis fell because of tensions between the founding race of humanity (Atlanteans) and the “hybrids” that developed when the “Sons of God” bore them by the “Daughters of Men,”

Plato and the Ancient Witnesses

“the god’s part in them beginning to wax faint by constant crossing with much mortality, and the human temper began to predominate… they could no longer carry their fortunes, but began to behave themselves unseemly.” - Plato

The first complete account of Atlantis that survives from antiquity is found in Plato’s Timaeus and Critias, written in the fourth century BCE. Plato presents the story through Critias, who says that it was preserved in his family from Solon, the Athenian lawgiver. Solon, according to the account, heard it from Egyptian priests at Sais, who possessed records reaching further back than the historical memory of the Greeks.

The story is introduced as something more than a fable. Critias says that it is “a tale which, though strange, is certainly true,” and Socrates asks whether the ancient Athenian victory was “not a mere legend, but an actual fact.” Plato therefore deliberately places the narrative between myth, sacred history, and philosophical memory. The account is not presented as a casual invention, but as an ancestral record whose truth is carried through priesthood, memory, poetry, and initiation.

In the Timaeus, Critias describes the conflict between primordial Athens and Atlantis:

“For it is related in our records how once upon a time your State stayed the course of a mighty host, which, starting from a distant point in the Atlantic ocean, was insolently advancing to attack the whole of Europe, and Asia to boot.” — Plato, Timaeus

The Atlantean power is then located beyond the Pillars of Heracles, at the threshold of the western ocean:

“For in front of the mouth which you Greeks call, as you say, the pillars of Heracles, there lay an island which was larger than Libya and Asia together; and it was possible for the travellers of that time to cross from it to the other islands, and from the islands to the whole of the continent over against them.” — Plato, Timaeus

The island is therefore not merely described as a city, but as the centre of a maritime kingdom and a wider imperial order. Plato’s account places Atlantis within a world in which the Atlantic was navigable and in which lands and islands beyond the Pillars formed a connected geography. Atlantis stood at the western edge of the known world, yet its ambition was universal: it sought to extend its dominion across Europe and Asia.

The power of Atlantis is contrasted with the ancient Athenian constitution. Athens represents an ordered warrior society defending freedom and sacred law; Atlantis represents abundance, expansion, wealth, and the temptation to subordinate spiritual order to dominion. In the Critias, Plato expands this image through the city’s concentric rings of land and water, its temples and palaces, its metals and gardens, its canals, its ten royal houses, and its descent from the divine union of Poseidon and Cleito. The city is magnificent, but its magnificence becomes unstable when the divine measure within its rulers is overcome by mortal desire.

Plato closes the surviving account with a catastrophe that joins moral decline to cosmic destruction:

“At a later time there occurred portentous earthquakes and floods, and one grievous day and night befell them, when the whole body of your warriors sank into the earth, and the island of Atlantis in like manner disappeared in the depths of the sea.” — Plato, Timaeus

The Critias breaks off before the destruction is narrated in full. This incompleteness is significant. We are given the rise, structure, wealth, and corruption of Atlantis, but not the final philosophical judgment in Plato’s own completed form. The fragment remains like a submerged temple: enough survives to reveal its architecture, while the greater whole lies beneath the waters.

Other Ancient Sources

Plato’s Timaeus and Critias are the only surviving ancient works that give a sustained account of Atlantis as a great island kingdom beyond the Pillars of Heracles. Other ancient authors refer to the story, preserve traditions associated with it, or describe related peoples and submerged lands.

Plutarch — Life of Solon

Plutarch, writing several centuries after Plato, connects the Atlantis story with Solon’s Egyptian travels. He names the priests Psenophis of Heliopolis and Sonchis of Sais, and writes that Solon heard from them “the story of the lost Atlantis,” attempting to render it into poetry for the Greeks. Plutarch is important because he preserves the ancient tradition that Plato’s narrative descended from Solon, although he does not independently describe Atlantis or verify the island’s existence.

Crantor and Proclus

Crantor, an early Platonist of the third century BCE, wrote a commentary on the Timaeus that is now lost. The later Neoplatonist Proclus, in his commentary on the dialogue, reports that Crantor regarded the story as historical and claimed that Egyptian priests corroborated Plato’s account. Because Crantor’s work survives only through later testimony, this should be treated as evidence for an ancient interpretation of Plato rather than as a surviving Egyptian record.

Proclus himself took the Atlantis narrative seriously and discussed it as a question of history, geography, and cosmology. He also preserves reports of islands in the outer sea and of ancient lands that had been submerged. These notices show that late antique Platonists did not read Atlantis merely as a decorative tale; they considered its relation to the structure and memory of the world.

Strabo

Strabo, the Augustan geographer, mentions Plato’s Atlantis while discussing the limits of geographical knowledge and the character of philosophical narratives. His treatment is cautious. He does not provide an independent account of Atlantis, and his remarks reflect the ancient debate over whether Plato intended the story as literal history, philosophical myth, or both. Strabo is therefore evidence that Atlantis remained a subject of learned discussion in antiquity, not an independent witness to the events themselves.

Diodorus Siculus and the Atlantes

Diodorus Siculus describes the Atlantes, a people living in North Africa near the Atlas Mountains, and recounts their myths concerning the god Atlas and the ocean. This material is sometimes presented as another account of Atlantis, but the identification is uncertain. Diodorus does not describe Plato’s submerged island kingdom, and his Atlantes belong to a different geographical and mythological tradition. His account is nevertheless valuable because it preserves the ancient connection between the name Atlas, the far western regions, and the outer sea.

Theopompus and Meropis

Theopompus, a fourth-century BCE historian, told of a distant land called Meropis, inhabited by the Meropes, beyond the Ocean. The story survives in a later summary by Aelian. Meropis is not called Atlantis, and it should not be confused with Plato’s island. Yet its existence shows that Greek writers of the period imagined remote transoceanic lands as a means of reflecting upon the limits, follies, and political desires of the known world.

Taken together, the ancient evidence gives us several layers: Plato’s central account of Atlantis; Plutarch’s preservation of the Solonian and Egyptian transmission; Crantor and Proclus’s defense of its historical seriousness; Strabo’s record of the philosophical-geographical debate; and related western or transoceanic traditions preserved by Diodorus and Theopompus. None of these later witnesses reproduces Plato’s story in full. The ancient sources therefore preserve not a single uniform tradition, but a constellation of memories concerning the western ocean, lost lands, divine kingship, civilizational corruption, catastrophe, and the recovery of forgotten antiquity.

THE ATLANTEANS & THE BULL

“The Atlanteans, while they were spiritually interested, were incredibly interested in power and expansion. They wanted to grab the bull by the horns, as you say, so they became it. So, they began to worship the symbol of the bull, which is very greatly connected to the constellation that you now call Taurus. In many ways, they were channeling the energies of the star Aldebaran. The bull worship did not stop with the Atlanteans. Keep in mind, it traveled throughout the world, and it heavily, heavily influenced the ancient Israelites through their time in the land of Canaan. Remember, El is oftentimes described as a bull-headed god, and El is the more or less top god in the Canaanite pantheon.”

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Library of Light Edition 1.0 — Last revised: December 2025